This week, former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo tore his party card in a public display of dissociation from the ruling PDP. Obasanjo’s reason for dumping the party that supported him through two consecutive presidential terms was his desire to become an elder statesman devoid of partisan sentiments. A week prior, Obasanjo endorsed the presidential bid of opposition candidate and fellow one-time dictator Muhammadu Buhari against his now estranged ally—Goodluck Jonathan whom he helped ascend to leading the country four years ago.

Obasanjo’s bid for elder-statesmanship is not uncommon among African leaders, especially the long ruling and elderly; the late Muammar Ghadafi of Libya saw himself as the King of the United States of Africa, deposed Blaise Compaore of Burkina Faso was to himself (and many in the West) Africa’s sheriff of peace and security, 90 year old Robert Mugabe recently became the head of African Union- an added feather to his 35 year Zimbabwean crown. But, unlike most African chieftaincy titles, the recognition as an elder-statesman cannot be self-ascribed; it can only be acquired through a life of tangible contributions to society and achievements in service of humanity. Living a legacy, commitment to a cause or causes and bipartisan reverence are among the traits that determine elder-statesmen. Obasanjo, like Ghaddafi, Compaore and Mugabe, come short in all of these, laying waste to his urging for that honourable seat.

Elder Statesmen have one thing in common—an indelible legacy; for Nelson Mandela, it was his transition of South Africa from an apartheid country steaming with racist hate to a Rainbow nation bubbling with multiracial socio-political participation. Kofi Annan revitalized the UN, redirecting its priority to human rights and a frontline battle against global health challenges like HIV, efforts for which he won the 2001 Nobel Peace Prize. Former Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano led the southern African nation from decades of civil war into a stable functional democracy, little wonder he is one of only four African heads of government to have received the Mo Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership.

Olusegun Obasanjo’s bid for elder-statesmanship is hurt by the obvious lack of such a momentous legacy. His political career began with great promise as a dictator—quickly transiting Nigeria from military rule to a full democracy in 1979, but this was stained by his disappointing 8 year civilian presidency four decades later, which culminated in a botched bid to cling onto power. Given that Nigeria has leaped in socio-economic progress since its return to Democracy in 1999, many of such achievements made during Obasanjo’s tenure which ended in 2007, make it is easy for him and his supporters to seek praise for the country’s limited successes. However, the opportunities he wasted or misused in office mean the country only realised a fraction of its real potential during his time in office.

Obasanjo’s liberalization policy became a major harbinger for corrupt practices that ended up grounding state-owned companies like the state-owned telecom NITEL and Delta Steel Company. While oil wells in the Niger delta created more money in Nigeria than ever before, this new wealth was only used to feed economic inequality- part of the reason for the country’s security challenges. His anti-corruption campaign, which kicked off with great expectations, later became a machine to witch-hunt rivals, picking and choosing “bad guys” to pursue in the name of a warped sense of morality. In security, his administration failed to bring  the perpetrators of the several high profile assassinations during his presidency to justice. Inept in one hand, his security campaigns were callous in the other—the mass human rights atrocities committed by soldiers in Odi and Zaki Biam stain his hands with blood. Obasanjo’s political career struggles to shine especially when compared to the great African leaders mentioned earlier. Unfortunately for him, their pedestal is the real barometer for measuring an elder statesman, not the tearing of a party membership card.

Elder statesmen such as Nelson Mandela demonstrate a life long commitment to freedom. In addition, Kofi Annan devoted his life’s work to building  a more effective people-oriented committee of Nations,  and Chissano fought for peace, and then against poverty. These three men share a steadfast and pragmatic belief in their cause, but Obasanjo’s life long pursuit is not recognizable. His faith in democracy is killed by his lagging works to actualize it; in 1979, like in 2003 and 2007, he failed to deliver free and fair elections. Political impunity by his allies—Lamidi Adedibu in Oyo State and the Uba brothers in Anambra state—and blatant disregard for court judgments, like withholding of the funds meant for local governments in Lagos State despite the Supreme Court judgment, belie Obasanjo’s respect for the rule of law on which democracy is built. If the legislature determines the strength of a country’s democracy, then Obasanjo did a great job of weakening it. His eight year presidency produced five Senate presidents and three Speakers of the Federal House of Representatives; these changes were largely due to political fracas in the National Assembly instigated by or incited for him. Aside the quest for power, there is little to pinpoint as Obasanjo’s lifelong societal cause, and dumping his political party and godson cannot make up for this.

Obasanjo also lacks bipartisan respect. Elder-statesmen are known for their stubborn choice of peace and compromise even when against mass appeal; Mandela’s was his dogged commitment against retribution even when a significant population of his black supporters were outraged. Kofi Annan tried his best against overwhelming pressure to negotiate peace and compromise in Iraq and Syria. Chissano went out of his way to sign a peace deal that ended the civil war in Mozambique, even when it meant that he had to grant 50 percent of the seat in the government and military to the rebels he had been fighting against. Obasanjo’s national image is as divisive as his rhetoric: in the South-East, late literary legend Chinua Achebe accused him of destabilizing his home state of Anambra. In the South-South the killings and maiming in Odi hangs over his head, same with the raising of villages in Zaki Biam in the North Central region.

Obasanjo’s recent political participation also shows someone more comfortable in the game of divide and rule. Last year he published scathing letters to President Goodluck Jonathan, and last week endorsed the opposition candidate after a long while of hobnobbing with the opposition. These moves tell more of a person dumping a sinking boat to catch sail with the perceived stronger ship, rather than an elder-statesman doling out nuggets of wisdom to all and sundry. Mandela (before his death), Kofi Annan, Joaquim Chissano, Desmond Tutu etc. are today the front line activists for issues bigger than partisan politics, such as world peace and the fight against health epidemics. Thus, instead of in the mold of the aforementioned, Obasanjo comes off as a ‘power-glutton’ scavenging for sustained relevance in a country sadly still dominated by leaders of failed pasts.